Seeking Excellence
Politics • Spirituality/Belief • Lifestyle
Complacency and Fear in a Changing Society
How can we identify complacency and fear among us?
October 11, 2023
Guest contributors: nathancrankfield
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We have this emotionally draining tradition as a society to act like we are constantly living in the most important moment in human history. The people with little to no knowledge of human history are most susceptible to believing this myth. This is especially prevalent during election cycles, during which the media on both sides of the aisle act as though the outcome must determine your happiness level for the next 2-4 years. 

Admittedly, there is a tough balance to strike. On one hand, we have the truth that America, the Catholic Church, and the world at large have survived tougher, more divisive times than these. On the other hand, we currently face challenges that our ancestors would have never imagined and the battlefield for truth, evangelization, and freedom has morphed, with the power of the internet, into something that has never been seen before. 

These two opposing realities draw one of two responses from most of us: complacency or fear. 

Complacency can easily be misinterpreted as trust. People who have high trust in the institutions believe that all these problems we currently face will ultimately work themselves out. Within the Church, we see this position often manifest as a misconstrued trust in God – one which ultimately believes that God will take care of all things without requiring much assistance from us. 

Fear usually comes alive through obsessive zeal. The people who fall into this category simply can’t turn off the political podcasts or TV channels. They live in constant anxiety and anger, leading to a desire to put all those around them in that same never-ending state, which they themselves loathe. 

I’d venture to guess that every American Catholic knows people who fall into both camps. We all err to one side or the other, usually finding ourselves pretty frustrated with those who are opposite to us.  As someone who has shifted from the extreme of complacency to an extreme of the obsessed, I find the former to be much more frustrating. Fear, in a time where belief in universal truth and the value of human life are so rapidly on the decline, seems to be a very understandable position – as where complacency and indifference can border on immorality. 

I truly believe there is one solution to both of these extremes, which is to actually live in what we call reality. This can be so challenging for the complacent and indifferent types. After all, it is much easier to live life unaware of the many evils that have become commonplace in our society. This ignorance leads many in the Church to believe that our cultural, political, and social opponents are not the same as they were 20-30 years ago. 

Hilary Clinton had once spoken the famous line that abortion should be “‘safe, legal, and rare,” which was the position held by most pro-choice candidates and politicians. Their arguments flowed out of a place of compassion for women or young girls who find themselves in extreme circumstances. Most pro-choicers back then truly didn’t believe, albeit wrongly, that it was a human life until there was at least a heartbeat or some other developmental milestone.

Now, we see men and women who openly mock aborted babies. “Shout your abortion” and abortion parties have become normal slogans and ways to celebrate, proudly, the ending of a human life in the womb. Many pro-choice people today acknowledge that this is human life we’re talking about, but they simply believe that the importance of “choice” for a woman supersedes the right to life for a baby. 

That’s a different argument. 

Let’s look at another example. When Barack Obama ran for President in 2008, he campaigned on the belief that marriage was between one man and one woman. Who would’ve thought that just 10-15 years later, we would be seeing the complete destruction of gender? Transgender ideology has expanded from the promotion of empathy for those struggling with gender dysphoria into a complete, coerced acceptance of the “truth” that a man who believes he is a woman actually becomes one. 

That’s a different argument. 

This is where complacency has gotten us. The Catholic standpoint has become much harder to convey. Anyone who has ever debated abortion with a friend or family member knows that it is already a challenging, sensitive experience. However, it was much easier previously to argue the science behind “human life begins at conception” to someone who believes otherwise, than it is now to argue the philosophical and theological principle that “human life has value” to someone who thinks it does not. 

It was easier to reason with someone who promoted empathy to the point of acceptance and enablement for a person struggling with gender dysphoria when that someone also shared your belief in reality, in truth. Such a person could perhaps understand your point that because it was not true, you had no moral obligation to go along with and promote it. It’s much harder to argue with someone who does not believe in what we call “truth.” The ideas that you can’t change reality, that each individual can’t change or create words to fit their feelings, and that it’s not virtuous to participate in a lie or falsehood are all foreign to the person who believes that we each create our own “truth.” 

How did we go from arguing over science and empathy to much deeper, more fundamental things like the value of human life and the existence of truth? Too many good men and women found themselves indifferent during the transition. We sat aside and claimed politics had no place in Church, or in the life of a Christian in general. Now, the generation before us has left us with an utter mess when it comes to evangelization. If you don’t know, it’s much harder to evangelize a relativist who believes life is meaningless and truth nonexistent in 2022 than it was to evangelize a complacent or fallen away Christian in the ‘90s or early 2000s. 

That’s precisely why the response of fear is so understandable. We should fear for the souls of this lost generation that we are raising. Further, that fear should move us toward action. And action, when properly aimed and focused, always helps to alleviate anxiety. 

We must take action within our realm of control. That realm begins first and foremost with ourselves. To be anxious about the world and to be personally living a life of sin is foolishness. We must, if we are to be effective, strive for sainthood more fervently than ever before. 

Next, we must strive to impact our family and friends through both our words and our example. When people encounter true Christian love, encouragement, and mercy, they are much more receptive to the truth of the Christian faith. 

Lastly, we must entrust everything to God. When we recognize that we are helpless without God when it comes to dealing with our own sinful inclinations, the conversion of our friends and family, and the transformation of culture, we are actually able to succeed by God’s grace. 

It’s good to stay informed. We must. God wants to win our culture back to His Sacred Heart, and He wants to use us to do it. Your “yes” is needed, because you were born to be an instrument at this very time. So while we don’t need to act like this is the most important time in human history, we do need to act as though today is the most important day of our lives to be a saint, loving others radically enough that they see that there is Truth who is worth following.

 

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And I want to be fair: some of that is genuinely good. Connection matters. Emotional intelligence matters. Treating your children as human beings worthy of explanation and respect matters. I do not dismiss any of that.

But taken to its logical extreme, gentle parenting produces something I find deeply troubling: children who have never truly been told no, who have never experienced a consequence they could not negotiate or emotionally outlast, who have been so carefully protected from discomfort that they have never developed the internal capacity to endure it.

I know what that looks like from the inside. Because I was that kid.

What Too Much Freedom Actually Looks Like

My father was not a bad man. But he was an absent one, emotionally if not always physically. He never asked about my grades. He never inquired about my friends. He never wanted to know what I was doing or where I was going. And when I got in trouble, which I did frequently during my first two years of high school, the consequences were almost nonexistent. I would come home having collected another detention, another suspension, and the response was barely a shrug.

Part of the reason I started smoking weed and drinking at 14 was simply that nobody was watching. My parents were too busy working six days a week to enforce a standard. The boundaries that should have been there were not. And nature, as it always does, filled that vacuum. In my case, it filled it with exactly the kind of life I did not want.

I have shared before that at 15, I hit rock bottom. I was on the verge of selling drugs. I had given up basketball, one of the great loves of my life. I was living a double life, seemingly happy on the outside and completely empty on the inside. And when I look back and trace the roots of how I got there, one of the clearest threads is this: I had too much freedom and too few consequences for far too long.

My father's version of parenting lacked a philosophical foundation. It was rooted in absence and indifference. But the result is not entirely different from what you see when parents are so committed to never making their child uncomfortable that they abandon the responsibility to form them. A child without consistent discipline is a child without a father, even if his father is standing in the same room.

Coming Home to Chaos

I came home recently after nearly seven days on the road. I had worked through the weekend. I was tired in that bone-deep way that does not go away with a single good night's sleep. And when I walked through the front door, there was no warm greeting waiting for me.

My 3-year-old son was mid-tantrum. Two out of three nights that week, I walked straight from the driveway into full disciplinarian mode. No transition. No runway. No chance to decompress. Just a small human testing every limit he could find, and a father who had to decide in real time whether to hold the line or let it slide.

I will be honest with you. Everything in me wanted to let it slide. I was exhausted. I felt guilty about being away. I wanted connection, not conflict. And there is a version of myself, a less-formed version, who would have looked the other way, bought peace with permissiveness, and told myself I was being kind.

But I have learned something important about toddlers that changes everything: they cannot yet reason. They cannot think abstractly. They cannot hear a lengthy explanation of why their behavior is problematic and internalize it as a change in conduct. What they can do is experience immediate, consistent consequences and begin to understand that certain behaviors produce certain outcomes every single time. That is not cruelty. That is how you teach a creature who is not yet capable of being taught any other way.

So I held the line. Tired, stretched thin, and holding the line anyway. Because that is the job.

What the Bible Actually Says About Discipline

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Read that again. The absence of discipline is presented not as kindness but as abandonment. A child left without correction is not being treated as a son. He is being treated as someone his father does not care enough about to form.

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White Robes and Pony Tails
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I explained my reasoning, but admittedly, I thought it lacked enough depth. It is the kind of question that deserves a thoughtful answer rather than a reflexive one, so I did some digging.

What I found was more interesting than I expected. And it brought me back to something I had observed long before I ever thought seriously about liturgical tradition.

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ICE - A Catholic Perspective

Two Conversations, One Messy Topic

There are topics that reveal something about a person's character by how they approach them, not by what they conclude. Immigration enforcement in America right now is one of those topics. It has become so emotionally loaded, so thoroughly captured by tribal politics, that it is genuinely difficult to find people willing to hold a complex thought about it for more than thirty seconds.

I had two conversations recently that stuck with me, not because they resolved anything, but because they each illustrated a different way of being wrong about this.

The first was with a friend who describes himself as a moderate. He thinks the way ICE treats some people is terrible. He also thinks illegal immigration is a real problem that can't be wished away. He was genuinely curious to hear my perspective, open to where it might take him. That kind of intellectual honesty is rarer than it should be, and I appreciated it.

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What struck me about both conversations was that neither person was wrong about everything. The coworker was right that illegal immigration is a genuine problem. The Church leader was right that ICE has real accountability issues and that human dignity is not optional. But both were operating with incomplete pictures. And that incomplete picture, whether it comes from the left or the right, is ultimately what makes this issue so hard to think about clearly.

Before I go further: I am not a Trump die-hard. I think he is a generally capable president who is doing a genuinely difficult job that most people would fail at, while also carrying serious personal and political flaws that matter and should be named. I don't believe the ends always justify the means. I also don't believe that disapproving of Trump's style or character is the same thing as having a coherent immigration policy. Those are two different conversations, and we keep mixing them up.

This article is my attempt to disentangle them.

The Numbers Nobody Wants to Sit With

What Actually Happened Under Biden

Any honest conversation about ICE enforcement has to start here, because the emotional temperature of this debate is largely a reaction to what happened at the border from 2021 to 2024.

According to the Pew Research Center's 2025 analysis, the unauthorized immigrant population in the United States reached 14 million in 2023, the highest level ever recorded. In 2021, when Biden took office, that number was approximately 11 million. That is a meaningful increase of roughly three million people in two years, a pace Pew described as record-setting.

Border encounters the metric used by Customs and Border Protection to track every individual stopped or apprehended at the southern border averaged approximately two million per year from 2021 to 2023, according to the Washington Post's analysis of government data. For context, the yearly average during Trump's first term was roughly one-quarter of that.

Now, it is important to be precise here, as both sides abuse these numbers in different ways. Encounters are not the same as permanent residents. Many people encountered are removed or returned. Many who were allowed in were placed in immigration proceedings, meaning they had legal protections pending court dates, not permanent legal status. The Trump administration's claim that "20 million illegal immigrants" entered under Biden is not supported by data, and responsible commentary should say so.

But the growth was real. A Heritage Foundation analysis estimated that approximately 6.7 million new unauthorized residents entered the country between January 2021 and end of 2023. Pew's more conservative estimate put the net unauthorized population at 14 million by mid-2023, up from 11 million. Either way, it represents the largest increase in the unauthorized immigrant population in recorded history. Anyone who denies that a significant problem developed is not being honest.

Much of the growth was driven by Biden administration policies, particularly parole programs for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans (the so-called CHNV program) that allowed people to enter the country with temporary protected status rather than going through traditional immigration channels. These were not people sneaking across the desert. They were arriving through programs that critics argued effectively created a backdoor to legal residence. The Biden administration ended those programs in mid-2024, which slowed the growth, but by then, the number was already at a historic peak.

The Obama Comparison Everyone Is Avoiding

Here is the thing that nobody on the left seems willing to engage honestly, and it is perhaps the single most clarifying fact in this entire debate.

Barack Obama deported approximately 3.1 million people over his two terms more than any modern president before him. Immigrant rights groups were so alarmed by his enforcement record that they gave him the nickname "Deporter in Chief." In 2013 alone, his administration deported 432,000 people, the highest single-year total ever recorded.

Trump's first term deportation total was approximately 1.2 million people, significantly less than Obama's eight-year total. Even combining Trump's first term with what his second term has produced so far, his cumulative numbers do not yet approach Obama's. In 2025, the Trump administration carried out roughly 540,000 deportations compared to Obama's 612,000 in 2013 alone, during the first year of his second term.

To be clear: there are real methodological debates here about how deportations are counted, whether border removals and interior removals should be compared the same way, and how Title 42 expulsions are classified. These are legitimate distinctions. But they do not erase the basic fact: the man the left is calling a fascist for deporting people is doing so at a pace that Obama sustained for eight years without anything like the current outrage.

And then there is Tom Homan.

Homan is Trump's Border Czar. He is the face of the current enforcement operation, the man at whom protesters direct their anger, the person whose name has become a symbol of what critics consider cruel and draconian immigration policy. In 2025, he became nationally known for aggressive interior sweeps, threatening to arrest local officials who impede ICE operations, and overseeing enforcement actions that have, at times, detained and transported people with clean records and legal status.

What is less commonly discussed is that, in 2013, Barack Obama appointed Tom Homan to run ICE's Enforcement and Removal Operations. The Obama administration awarded him the government's highest civil service honor, the Presidential Rank Award for Distinguished Service, in 2015. The official ICE press release at the time specifically praised his leadership in expanding deportation capacity, increasing detention beds, and managing the surge of unaccompanied children across the Southwest border.

The Washington Post, in 2015, ran a piece about Homan under the headline: "Thomas Homan deports people. And he's really good at it." That was a compliment.

Trump hired the same man. Obama honored him for doing the same job. Democrats had no significant objection to Homan's work during the Obama years. They are now calling him a Nazi.

I am not saying this to be provocative. I am saying it because if your objection is truly to the tactics of immigration enforcement and not to the fact that a Republican is doing it, then you have some explaining to do about why the same person was your hero nine years ago.

Why the Current Enforcement Looks Different And Why 

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